Inside the troubled and dangerous Pakistan

October 19, 2009|Chuck Leddy

Pakistan, the deeply troubled US ally bordering both Iran and Afghanistan, may be the next crisis facing US foreign policymakers. The country’s mountainous northwest region is increasingly controlled by the Taliban (Muslim extremists) and is the suspected hiding place of Osama bin Laden. American journalist Nicholas Schmidle spent two years in this troubled country, watching Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf attempt to hold on to his military dictatorship amid challenges from both secular, pro-democracy reformers and pro-Taliban Islamic extremists.

As Schmidle visits heavily armed pro-Taliban leaders in Pakistan’s northwest region, finds himself in the middle of massive pro-democracy riots in Karachi, and is followed and threatened by Musharraf’s lethal secret police force, he gradually realizes that “Pakistan is the most dysfunctional -- and dangerous -- country in the world.’’ He observes seething ethnic tensions, as well as sectarian religious fissures, all over the country. In northwest Pakistan, Schmidle observes a lawless, Wild West mentality: “everyone else I saw on the road was carrying guns,’’ he writes, “[t]he government was non-existent.’’

Today this power vacuum is being filled by the Taliban.

In one northwest village, Schmidle witnesses the Taliban whipping three alleged criminals in public. The author learns that the Taliban wishes to impose sharia (Islamic law that, for instance, compels women to cover their faces) all over Pakistan, and eliminate modernist, Western influence. Schmidle asks a rifle-toting Talib named Abdul Ghafoor why he fights the United States and its “puppet’’ Musharraf. “It is our religious obligation,’’ he tells the journalist. “If someone attacks Islam, then it is obligatory that we should defend Islam.’’

On the other side of the opposition to President Musharraf are pro-democracy reformers fighting against the dictatorial tactics of the president and his much-feared secret police. Before the 2008 election, Musharraf declared a state of emergency and rounded up many of his secular opponents. Rioting ensued, but Musharraf’s powerful police apparatus effectively quieted the opposition.

What Schmidle observes about Musharraf’s crackdown against his secular opponents is horrifyingly true over much of the Middle East: Musharraf’s police “crushed the secular forces with ease, even though they struggled with the Islamists.’’ In the face of strong-arm Arab governments, whether in Egypt or Saudi Arabia, secular opponents demanding democracy are easily eliminated while armed Islamic extremists have become the only viable form of opposition.

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